Mick Hartley

An interesting piece by Anshel Pfeffer in the Jewish Chronicle. Although Jews are playing a leading role in the Ukraine's fight against Russia, from leader Zelensky on down, and although the history of Nazi and Soviet atrocities in Ukraine  – in which Jews were the greatest victims – casts a long shadow over the current conflict, Israel has been noticeably cool in its support of Ukraine. It has special ties with Russia, and had reached a delicate agreement with Putin on Syria: Israel wouldn't attack Bashar al-Assad’s regime, and in return Israel would be free to continue striking Iranians in Syria. But is such a stance sustainable now, as the world – or at least the western world – unites in condemnation of Putin's aggression?

"Believe me, if I was a journalist or an ordinary civilian, I would totally be on Ukraine’s side,” said the cabinet minister. “But knowing what I do, I know that would be the wrong thing for Israel to do.” Versions of this conversation were being had across the Israeli government this week, as its leaders and diplomats walked a precarious high-wire between “the right side of history” and looking out for what they see as strategic interests.

“The Israeli public supports Ukraine, that’s clear,” said another senior Israeli official. “But the public isn’t aware of the rate of our attacks in Syria in coordination with Russia.” That remains the paramount and unarguable consideration – Israel’s “freedom to act” in Syrian airspace against Iranian and pro-Iranian targets.

In recent days, ministers have added a new justification for near-neutrality on the Ukraine war. “We may be in a position to actually help here by keeping channels open to both sides. Wouldn’t that be incredible, to be able to broker a peace deal between Russian and Urkaine?” But while President Volodymyr Zelensky seemed in favour, holding two phone calls with Naftali Bennett in the week since the war began, Vladimir Putin didn’t seem enthusiastic in the one call he had with Israel’s prime minister. 

In the cabinet, there’s a clear division of labour. Foreign Minister Yair Lapid condemns Russia, in measured tones of course, and not too often. While Mr Bennett never mentions the R-word in public, he talks to the warring president, offers Ukraine “humanitarian” aid but no weapons, and makes sure that Mr Putin will have nothing to complain about. Is it sustainable? […]

There’s no lack of Putin experts in Israel. The cabinet has two veteran ministers who are fluent Russian-speakers and have spent time with him. Yet still the Israeli government was surprised on Thursday morning when news arrived of the invasion. Avigdor Lieberman, the finance minister and Israel’s most prominent “Russian” politician, (though he was actually born in Kishinev, capital of Moldova), had said a week earlier in cabinet that “aliens would land before Putin invades Ukraine”.

Housing Minister Zeev Elkin, who has served as translator both for Mr Netanyahu and Mr Bennett in their meetings, was also sceptical.

“Lieberman and Elkin still see Putin as a product of the Soviet Union,” says a much younger Israeli Russia-watcher, who has spent considerable time in Russia in recent years as a representative of an Israeli agency. “Back in the USSR, decisions were made slowly and rationally by the Politburo. They’ve failed to grasp that Putin is no longer a Soviet creature. He sees himself as the embodiment of the Tsars, and makes capricious decisions on his own. 

The main victim now is Ukraine, but if we don’t adjust our thinking soon, it’s Israel that could also be on the receiving end.”